Saturday, June 20, 2015

The Climate Wars' Damage to Science — Quadrant Online

The Climate Wars' Damage to Science — Quadrant Online



The Climate Wars’ Damage to Science

 Matt Ridley

The great thing about science is that it’s
self-correcting. The good drives out the bad, because experiments get
replicated and hypotheses tested -- or so I used to think. Now, thanks
largely to climate science, I see bad ideas can persist for decades, and
surrounded by myrmidons of furious defenders they become intolerant
dogmas

cc the factsFor
much of my life I have been a science writer. That means I eavesdrop on
what’s going on in laboratories so I can tell interesting stories. It’s
analogous to the way art critics write about art, but with a
difference: we “science critics” rarely criticise. If we think a
scientific paper is dumb, we just ignore it. There’s too much good stuff
coming out of science to waste time knocking the bad stuff.
Sure, we occasionally take a swipe at
pseudoscience—homeopathy, astrology, claims that genetically modified
food causes cancer, and so on. But the great thing about science is that
it’s self-correcting. The good drives out the bad, because experiments
get replicated and hypotheses put to the test. So a really bad idea
cannot survive long in science.
Or so I used to think. Now, thanks largely to climate
science, I have changed my mind. It turns out bad ideas can persist in
science for decades, and surrounded by myrmidons of furious defenders
they can turn into intolerant dogmas.
This should have been obvious to me. Lysenkoism, a
pseudo-biological theory that plants (and people) could be trained to
change their heritable natures, helped starve millions and yet persisted
for decades in the Soviet Union, reaching its zenith under Nikita
Khrushchev. The theory that dietary fat causes obesity and heart
disease, based on a couple of terrible studies in the 1950s, became
unchallenged orthodoxy and is only now fading slowly.
What these two ideas have in common is that they had
political support, which enabled them to monopolise debate. Scientists
are just as prone as anybody else to “confirmation bias”, the tendency
we all have to seek evidence that supports our favoured hypothesis and
dismiss evidence that contradicts it—as if we were counsel for the
defence. It’s tosh that scientists always try to disprove their own
theories, as they sometimes claim, and nor should they. But they do try
to disprove each other’s. Science has always been decentralised, so
Professor Smith challenges Professor Jones’s claims, and that’s what
keeps science honest.
What went wrong with Lysenko and dietary fat was that in each case a
monopoly was established. Lysenko’s opponents were imprisoned or killed.
Nina Teicholz’s book The Big Fat Surprise
shows in devastating detail how opponents of Ancel Keys’s dietary fat
hypothesis were starved of grants and frozen out of the debate by an
intolerant consensus backed by vested interests, echoed and amplified by
a docile press.


Cheerleaders for alarm
This is precisely what has happened with the climate debate
and it is at risk of damaging the whole reputation of science. The “bad
idea” in this case is not that climate changes, nor that human beings
influence climate change; but that the impending change is sufficiently
dangerous to require urgent policy responses. In the 1970s, when global
temperatures were cooling, some scientists could not resist the lure of
press attention by arguing that a new ice age was imminent. Others
called this nonsense and the World Meteorological Organisation rightly
refused to endorse the alarm. That’s science working as it should. In
the 1980s, as temperatures began to rise again, some of the same
scientists dusted off the greenhouse effect and began to argue that
runaway warming was now likely.
At first, the science establishment reacted sceptically and
a diversity of views was aired. It’s hard to recall now just how much
you were allowed to question the claims in those days. As Bernie Lewin
reminds us in one chapter of a fascinating new book of essays called Climate Change: The Facts (hereafter The Facts),
as late as 1995 when the second assessment report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) came out with its
last-minute additional claim of a “discernible human influence” on
climate, Nature magazine warned scientists against overheating the debate.
Since then, however, inch by inch, the huge green pressure
groups have grown fat on a diet of constant but ever-changing alarm
about the future. That these alarms—over population growth, pesticides,
rain forests, acid rain, ozone holes, sperm counts, genetically modified
crops—have often proved wildly exaggerated does not matter: the
organisations that did the most exaggeration trousered the most money.
In the case of climate, the alarm is always in the distant future, so
can never be debunked.
These huge green multinationals, with budgets in the
hundreds of millions of dollars, have now systematically infiltrated
science, as well as industry and media, with the result that many
high-profile climate scientists and the journalists who cover them have
become one-sided cheerleaders for alarm, while a hit squad of
increasingly vicious bloggers polices the debate to ensure that anybody
who steps out of line is punished. They insist on stamping out all
mention of the heresy that climate change might not be lethally
dangerous.
Today’s climate science, as Ian Plimer points out in his chapter in The Facts,
is based on a “pre-ordained conclusion, huge bodies of evidence are
ignored and analytical procedures are treated as evidence”. Funds are
not available to investigate alternative theories. Those who express
even the mildest doubts about dangerous climate change are ostracised,
accused of being in the pay of fossil-fuel interests or starved of
funds; those who take money from green pressure groups and make wildly
exaggerated statements are showered with rewards and treated by the
media as neutral.
Look what happened to a butterfly ecologist named Camille Parmesan when she published a paper on “Climate and Species Range
that blamed climate change for threatening the Edith checkerspot
butterfly with extinction in California by driving its range northward.
The paper was cited more than 500 times, she was invited to speak at the
White House and she was asked to contribute to the IPCC’s third
assessment report.
Unfortunately, a distinguished ecologist called Jim Steele
found fault with her conclusion: there had been more local extinctions
in the southern part of the butterfly’s range due to urban development
than in the north, so only the statistical averages moved north, not the
butterflies. There was no correlated local change in temperature
anyway, and the butterflies have since recovered throughout their range.
When Steele asked Parmesan for her data, she refused.
Parmesan’s paper continues to be cited as evidence of climate change.
Steele meanwhile is derided as a “denier”. No wonder a highly sceptical
ecologist I know is very reluctant to break cover.
Jim Hansen, recently retired as head of the Goddard
Institute of Space Studies at NASA, won over a million dollars in
lucrative green prizes, regularly joined protests against coal plants
and got himself arrested while at the same time he was in charge of
adjusting and homogenising one of the supposedly objective data sets on
global surface temperature. How would he be likely to react if told of
evidence that climate change is not such a big problem?
Michael Oppenheimer, of Princeton University, who
frequently testifies before Congress in favour of urgent action on
climate change, was the Environmental Defense Fund’s senior scientist
for nineteen years and continues to advise it. The EDF has assets of
$209 million and since 2008 has had over $540 million from charitable
foundations, plus $2.8 million in federal grants. In that time it has
spent $11.3 million on lobbying, and has fifty-five people on thirty-two
federal advisory committees. How likely is it that they or Oppenheimer
would turn around and say global warming is not likely to be dangerous?
Why is it acceptable, asks the blogger Donna Laframboise,
for the IPCC to “put a man who has spent his career cashing cheques from
both the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) and Greenpeace in charge of its
latest chapter on the world’s oceans?” She’s referring to the University
of Queensland’s Ove Hoegh-Guldberg.
These scientists and their guardians of the flame
repeatedly insist that there are only two ways of thinking about climate
change—that it’s real, man-made and dangerous (the right way), or that
it’s not happening (the wrong way). But this is a false dichotomy. There
is a third possibility: that it’s real, partly man-made and not
dangerous. This is the “lukewarmer” school, and I am happy to put myself
in this category. Lukewarmers do not think dangerous climate change is
impossible; but they think it is unlikely.
I find that very few people even know of this. Most
ordinary people who do not follow climate debates assume that either
it’s not happening or it’s dangerous. This suits those with vested
interests in renewable energy, since it implies that the only way you
would be against their boondoggles is if you “didn’t believe” in climate
change.



What consensus about the future?
Sceptics such as Plimer often complain that “consensus” has
no place in science. Strictly they are right, but I think it is a red
herring. I happily agree that you can have some degree of scientific
consensus about the past and the present. The earth is a sphere;
evolution is true; carbon dioxide is a greenhouse gas. The IPCC claims
in its most recent report that it is “95 per cent” sure that “more than
half” of the (gentle) warming “since 1950” is man-made. I’ll drink to
that, though it’s a pretty vague claim. But you really cannot have much
of a consensus about the future. Scientists are terrible at making
forecasts—indeed as Dan Gardner documents in his book Future Babble
they are often worse than laymen. And the climate is a chaotic system
with multiple influences of which human emissions are just one, which
makes prediction even harder.
The IPCC actually admits the possibility of lukewarming
within its consensus, because it gives a range of possible future
temperatures: it thinks the world will be between about 1.5 and four
degrees warmer on average by the end of the century. That’s a huge
range, from marginally beneficial to terrifyingly harmful, so it is
hardly a consensus of danger, and if you look at the “probability
density functions” of climate sensitivity, they always cluster towards
the lower end.
What is more, in the small print describing the assumptions
of the “representative concentration pathways”, it admits that the top
of the range will only be reached if sensitivity to carbon dioxide is
high (which is doubtful); if world population growth re-accelerates
(which is unlikely); if carbon dioxide absorption by the oceans slows
down (which is improbable); and if the world economy goes in a very odd
direction, giving up gas but increasing coal use tenfold (which is
implausible).
But the commentators ignore all these caveats and babble on
about warming of “up to” four degrees (or even more), then castigate as
a “denier” anybody who says, as I do, the lower end of the scale looks
much more likely given the actual data. This is a deliberate tactic.
Following what the psychologist Philip Tetlock called the “psychology of
taboo”, there has been a systematic and thorough campaign to rule out
the middle ground as heretical: not just wrong, but mistaken, immoral
and beyond the pale. That’s what the word denier with its deliberate
connotations of Holocaust denial is intended to do. For reasons I do not
fully understand, journalists have been shamefully happy to go along
with this fundamentally religious project.
Politicians love this polarising because it means they can
attack a straw man. It’s what they are good at. “Doubt has been
eliminated,” said Gro Harlem Brundtland, former Prime Minister of Norway
and UN Special Representative on Climate Change, in a speech in 2007:
“It is irresponsible, reckless and deeply immoral to question the
seriousness of the situation. The time for diagnosis is over. Now it is
time to act.” John Kerry says we have no time for a meeting of the
flat-earth society. Barack Obama says that 97 per cent of scientists
agree that climate change is “real, man-made and dangerous”. That’s just
a lie (or a very ignorant remark): as I point out above, there is no
consensus that it’s dangerous.
So where’s the outrage from scientists at this presidential
distortion? It’s worse than that, actually. The 97 per cent figure is
derived from two pieces of pseudoscience that would have embarrassed a
homeopath. The first was a poll that found that 97 per cent of just
seventy-nine scientists thought climate change was man-made—not that it
was dangerous. A more recent poll of 1854 members of the American
Meteorological Society found the true number is 52 per cent.
The second source of the 97 per cent number was a survey of
scientific papers, which has now been comprehensively demolished by
Professor Richard Tol of Sussex University, who is probably the world’s
leading climate economist. As the Australian blogger Joanne Nova summarised Tol’s findings,
John Cook of the University of Queensland and his team used an
unrepresentative sample, left out much useful data, used biased
observers who disagreed with the authors of the papers they were
classifying nearly two-thirds of the time, and collected and analysed
the data in such a way as to allow the authors to adjust their
preliminary conclusions as they went along, a scientific no-no if ever
there was one. The data could not be replicated, and Cook himself
threatened legal action to hide them. Yet neither the journal nor the
university where Cook works has retracted the paper, and the scientific
establishment refuses to stop citing it, let alone blow the whistle on
it. Its conclusion is too useful.
This should be a huge scandal, not fodder for a tweet by
the leader of the free world. Joanne Nova, incidentally, is an example
of a new breed of science critic that the climate debate has spawned.
With little backing, and facing ostracism for her heresy, this talented
science journalist had abandoned any chance of a normal, lucrative
career and systematically set out to expose the way the huge financial
gravy train that is climate science has distorted the methods of
science. In her chapter in The Facts, Nova points out that the
entire trillion-dollar industry of climate change policy rests on a
single hypothetical assumption, first advanced in 1896, for which to
this day there is no evidence.
The assumption is that modest warming from carbon dioxide
must be trebly amplified by extra water vapour—that as the air warms
there will be an increase in absolute humidity providing “a positive
feedback”. That assumption led to specific predictions that could be
tested. And the tests come back negative again and again. The large
positive feedback that can turn a mild warming into a dangerous one just
is not there. There is no tropical troposphere hot-spot. Ice cores
unambiguously show that temperature can fall while carbon dioxide stays
high. Estimates of climate sensitivity, which should be high if positive
feedbacks are strong, are instead getting lower and lower. Above all,
the temperature has failed to rise as predicted by the models.
Scandal after scandal
The Cook paper is one of many scandals and blunders in
climate science. There was the occasion in 2012 when the climate
scientist Peter Gleick stole the identity of a member of the (sceptical)
Heartland Institute’s board of directors, leaked confidential
documents, and included also a “strategy memo” purporting to describe
Heartland’s plans, which was a straight forgery. Gleick apologised but
continues to be a respected climate scientist.
There was Stephan Lewandowsky, then at the University of Western Australia, who published a paper titled “NASA faked the moon landing therefore [climate] science is a hoax”, from which readers might have deduced, in the words of a Guardian
headline, that “new research finds that sceptics also tend to support
conspiracy theories such as the moon landing being faked”. Yet in fact
in the survey for the paper, only ten respondents out of 1145 thought
that the moon landing was a hoax, and seven of those did not think
climate change was a hoax. A particular irony here is that two of the
men who have actually been to the moon are vocal climate sceptics:
Harrison Schmitt and Buzz Aldrin.
It took years of persistence before physicist Jonathan
Jones and political scientist Ruth Dixon even managed to get into print
(in March this year) a detailed and devastating critique of the
Lewandowsky article’s methodological flaws and bizarre reasoning, with
one journal allowing Lewandowsky himself to oppose the publication of
their riposte. Lewandowsky published a later paper claiming that the
reactions to his previous paper proved he was right, but it was so
flawed it had to be retracted.
If these examples of odd scientific practice sound too
obscure, try Rajendra Pachauri, chairman of the IPCC for thirteen years
and often described as the “world’s top climate scientist”. He once
dismissed as “voodoo science” an official report by India’s leading
glaciologist, Vijay Raina, because it had challenged a bizarre claim in
an IPCC report (citing a WWF report which cited an article in New Scientist),
that the Himalayan glaciers would be gone by 2035. The claim originated
with Syed Hasnain, who subsequently took a job at The Energy and
Resources Institute (TERI), the Delhi-based company of which Dr Pachauri
is director-general, and there his glacier claim enabled TERI to win a
share of a three-million-euro grant from the European Union. No wonder
Dr Pachauri might well not have wanted the 2035 claim challenged.
Yet Raina was right, it proved to be the IPCC’s most
high-profile blunder, and Dr Pachauri had to withdraw both it and his
“voodoo” remark. The scandal led to a highly critical report into the
IPCC by several of the world’s top science academics, which recommended
among other things that the IPCC chair stand down after one term. Dr
Pachauri ignored this, kept his job, toured the world while urging
others not to, and published a novel, with steamy scenes of seduction of
an older man by young women. (He resigned this year following criminal
allegations of sexual misconduct with a twenty-nine-year-old female
employee, which he denies, and which are subject to police
investigation.)
Yet the climate bloggers who constantly smear sceptics
managed to avoid even reporting most of this. If you want to follow Dr
Pachauri’s career you have to rely on a tireless but self-funded
investigative journalist: the Canadian Donna Laframboise. In her chapter
in The Facts, Laframboise details how Dr Pachauri has managed
to get the world to describe him as a Nobel laureate, even though this
is simply not true.
Notice, by the way, how many of these fearless
free-thinkers prepared to tell emperors they are naked are women. Susan
Crockford, a Canadian zoologist, has steadfastly exposed the myth-making that goes into polar bear alarmism,
to the obvious discomfort of the doyens of that field. Jennifer
Marohasy of Central Queensland University, by persistently asking why cooling trends recorded at Australian weather stations with no recorded moves were being altered to warming trends, has embarrassed the Bureau of Meteorology into a review of their procedures. Her chapter in The Facts underlines the failure of computer models to predict rainfall.
But male sceptics have scored successes too. There was the
case of the paper the IPCC relied upon to show that urban heat islands
(the fact that cities are generally warmer than the surrounding
countryside, so urbanisation causes local, but not global, warming) had
not exaggerated recent warming. This paper turned out—as the sceptic
Doug Keenan proved—to be based partly on non-existent data on forty-nine weather stations in China. When corrected, it emerged that the urban heat island effect actually accounted for 40 per cent of the warming in China.
There was the Scandinavian lake sediment core that was
cited as evidence of sudden recent warming, when it was actually being
used “upside down”—the opposite way the authors of the study thought it
should be used: so if anything it showed cooling.
There was the graph showing unprecedented recent warming that turned out to depend on just one larch tree in the Yamal Peninsula in Siberia.
There was the southern hemisphere hockey-stick that had been created by the omission of inconvenient data series.
There was the infamous “hide the decline” incident when a tree-ring-derived graph had been truncated to disguise the fact that it seemed to show recent cooling.
And of course there was the mother of all scandals, the “hockey stick” itself:
a graph that purported to show the warming of the last three decades of
the twentieth century as unprecedented in a millennium, a graph that
the IPCC was so thrilled with that it published it six times in its
third assessment report and displayed it behind the IPCC chairman at his
press conference. It was a graph that persuaded me to abandon my
scepticism (until I found out about its flaws), because I thought Nature
magazine would never have published it without checking. And it is a
graph that was systematically shown by Steven McIntyre and Ross
McKitrick to be wholly misleading, as McKitrick recounts in glorious
detail in his chapter in The Facts.
Its hockey-stick shape depended heavily on one set of data
from bristlecone pine trees in the American south-west, enhanced by a
statistical approach to over-emphasise some 200 times any hockey-stick
shaped graph. Yet bristlecone tree-rings do not, according to those who
collected the data, reflect temperature at all. What is more, the
scientist behind the original paper, Michael Mann, had known all along
that his data depended heavily on these inappropriate trees and a few
other series, because when finally prevailed upon to release his data he
accidentally included a file called “censored” that proved as much: he
had tested the effect of removing the bristlecone pine series and one
other, and found that the hockey-stick shape disappeared.
In March this year Dr Mann published a paper claiming the Gulf Stream was slowing down.
This garnered headlines all across the world. Astonishingly, his
evidence that the Gulf Stream is slowing down came not from the Gulf
Stream, but from “proxies” which included—yes—bristlecone pine trees in
Arizona, upside-down lake sediments in Scandinavia and larch trees in
Siberia.


The democratisation of science
Any one of these scandals in, say, medicine might result in
suspensions, inquiries or retractions. Yet the climate scientific
establishment repeatedly reacts as if nothing is wrong. It calls out any
errors on the lukewarming end, but ignores those on the exaggeration
end. That complacency has shocked me, and done more than anything else
to weaken my long-standing support for science as an institution. I
repeat that I am not a full sceptic of climate change, let alone a
“denier”. I think carbon-dioxide-induced warming during this century is
likely, though I think it is unlikely to prove rapid and dangerous. So I
don’t agree with those who say the warming is all natural, or all
driven by the sun, or only an artefact of bad measurement, but nor do I
think anything excuses bad scientific practice in support of the carbon
dioxide theory, and every time one of these scandals erupts and the
scientific establishment asks us to ignore it, I wonder if the extreme
sceptics are not on to something. I feel genuinely betrayed by the
profession that I have spent so much of my career championing.
There is, however, one good thing that has happened to
science as a result of the climate debate: the democratisation of
science by sceptic bloggers. It is no accident that sceptic sites keep
winning the “Bloggies” awards. There is nothing quite like them for
massive traffic, rich debate and genuinely open peer review. Following
Steven McIntyre on tree rings, Anthony Watts or Paul Homewood on
temperature records, Judith Curry on uncertainty, Willis Eschenbach on
clouds or ice cores, or Andrew Montford on media coverage has been one
of the delights of recent years for those interested in science. Papers
that had passed formal peer review and been published in journals have
nonetheless been torn apart in minutes on the blogs. There was the time
Steven McIntyre found that an Antarctic temperature trend arose
“entirely from the impact of splicing the two data sets together”. Or
when Willis Eschenbach showed a published chart had “cut the modern end
of the ice core carbon dioxide record short, right at the time when
carbon dioxide started to rise again” about 8000 years ago, thus
omitting the startling but inconvenient fact that carbon dioxide levels
rose while temperatures fell over the following millennia.
Scientists don’t like this lèse majesté, of
course. But it’s the citizen science that the internet has long
promised. This is what eavesdropping on science should be like—following
the twists and turns of each story, the ripostes and counter-ripostes,
making up your own mind based on the evidence. And that is precisely
what the non-sceptical side just does not get. Its bloggers are almost
universally wearily condescending. They are behaving like
sixteenth-century priests who do not think the Bible should be
translated into English.
Renegade heretics in science itself are especially
targeted. The BBC was subjected to torrents of abuse for even
interviewing Bob Carter, a distinguished geologist and climate science
expert who does not toe the alarmed line and who is one of the editors
of Climate Change Reconsidered, a serious and comprehensive survey of
the state of climate science organised by the Non-governmental Panel on
Climate Change and ignored by the mainstream media.
Judith Curry of Georgia Tech moved from alarm to mild scepticism and has endured vitriolic criticism for it. She recently wrote:
There is enormous pressure
for climate scientists to conform to the so-called consensus. This
pressure comes not only from politicians, but from federal funding
agencies, universities and professional societies, and scientists
themselves who are green activists and advocates. Reinforcing this
consensus are strong monetary, reputational, and authority interests.
The closing of minds on the climate change issue is a tragedy for both
science and society.
The distinguished Swedish meteorologist Lennart Bengtsson
was so frightened for his own family and his health after he announced
last year that he was joining the advisory board of the Global Warming
Policy Foundation that he withdrew, saying, “It is a situation that
reminds me about the time of McCarthy.”
The astrophysicist Willie Soon was falsely accused by a
Greenpeace activist of failing to disclose conflicts of interest to an
academic journal, an accusation widely repeated by mainstream media.



Clearing the middle ground
Much of this climate war parallels what has happened with
Islamism, and it is the result of a similar deliberate policy of
polarisation and silencing of debate. Labelling opponents “Islamophobes”
or “deniers” is in the vast majority of cases equally inaccurate and
equally intended to polarise. As Asra Nomani wrote in the Washington Post
recently, a community of anti-blasphemy police arose out of a
deliberate policy decision by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation:
and began trying to control
the debate on Islam. This wider corps throws the label of “Islamophobe”
on pundits, journalists and others who dare to talk about extremist
ideology in the religion … The insults may look similar to Internet
trolling and vitriolic comments you can find on any blog or news site.
But they’re more coordinated, frightening and persistent.
Compare that to what happened to Roger Pielke Jr, as
recounted by James Delingpole in The Facts. Pielke is a professor of
environmental studies at the University of Colorado and a hugely
respected expert on disasters. He is no denier, thinking man-made global
warming is real. But in his own area of expertise he is very clear that
the rise in insurance losses is because the world is getting wealthier
and we have more stuff to lose, not because more storms are happening.
This is incontrovertibly true, and the IPCC agrees with him. But when he
said this on Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight website he and Silver were
savaged by commenters, led by one Rob Honeycutt. Crushed by the fury he
had unleashed, Silver apologised and dropped Pielke as a contributor.
Rob Honeycutt and his allies knew what they were doing.
Delingpole points out that Honeycutt (on a different website) urged
people to “send in the troops to hammer down” anything moderate or
sceptical, and to “grow the team of crushers”. Those of us who have been
on the end of this sort of stuff know it is exactly like what the
blasphemy police do with Islamophobia. We get falsely labelled “deniers”
and attacked for heresy in often the most ad-hominem way.
Even more shocking has been the bullying lynch mob
assembled this year by alarmists to prevent the University of Western
Australia, erstwhile employers of the serially debunked conspiracy
theorist Stephan Lewandowsky, giving a job to the economist Bjorn
Lomborg. The grounds were that Lomborg is a “denier”. But he’s not. He
does not challenge the science at all. He challenges on economic grounds
some climate change policies, and the skewed priorities that lead to
the ineffective spending of money on the wrong environmental solutions.
His approach has been repeatedly vindicated over many years in many
different topics, by many of the world’s leading economists. Yet there
was barely a squeak of protest from the academic establishment at the
way he was howled down and defamed for having the temerity to try to set
up a research group at a university.
Well, internet trolls are roaming the woods in every
subject, so what am I complaining about? The difference is that in the
climate debate they have the tacit or explicit support of the scientific
establishment. Venerable bodies like the Royal Society almost never
criticise journalists for being excessively alarmist, only for being too
lukewarm, and increasingly behave like pseudoscientists, explaining
away inconvenient facts.
Making excuses for failed predictions
For example, scientists predicted a retreat of Antarctic
sea ice but it has expanded instead, and nowadays they are claiming,
like any astrologer, that this is because of warming after all.
“Please,” says Mark Steyn in The Facts:
No tittering, it’s so
puerile—every professor of climatology knows that the thickest ice ever
is a clear sign of thin ice, because as the oceans warm, glaciers break
off the Himalayas and are carried by the El Ninja down the Gore Stream
past the Cape of Good Horn where they merge into the melting ice sheet,
named after the awareness-raising rapper Ice Sheet …
Or consider this example, from the Royal Society’s recent booklet on climate change:
Does the recent slowdown of
warming mean that climate change is no longer happening? No. Since the
very warm surface temperatures of 1998 which followed the strong 1997-98
El Niño, the increase in average surface temperature has slowed
relative to the previous decade of rapid temperature increases, with
more of the excess heat being stored in the oceans.
You would never know from this that the “it’s hiding in the
oceans” excuse is just one unproven hypothesis—and one that implies
that natural variation exaggerated the warming in the 1990s, so
reinforcing the lukewarm argument. Nor would you know (as Andrew Bolt
recounts in his chapter in The Facts) that the pause in global
warming contradicts specific and explicit predictions such as this, from
the UK Met Office: “by 2014 we’re predicting it will be 0.3 degrees
warmer than in 2004”. Or that the length of the pause is now past the
point where many scientists said it would disprove the hypothesis of
rapid man-made warming. Dr Phil Jones, head of the Climatic Research
Unit at the University of East Anglia, said in 2009: “Bottom line: the
‘no upward trend’ has to continue for a total of 15 years before we get
worried.” It now has.
Excusing failed predictions is a staple of astrology; it’s the way
pseudoscientists argue. In science, as Karl Popper long ago insisted, if
you make predictions and they fail, you don’t just make excuses and
insist you’re even more right than before. The Royal Society once used
to promise “never to give their opinion, as a body, upon any subject”.
Its very motto is “nullius in verba”: take nobody’s word for it. Now it
puts out catechisms of what you must believe in. Surely, the handing
down of dogmas is for churches, not science academies. Expertise,
authority and leadership should count for nothing in science. The great
Thomas Henry Huxley put it this way: “The improver of natural knowledge
absolutely refuses to acknowledge authority, as such. For him,
scepticism is the highest of duties; blind faith the one unpardonable
sin.” Richard Feynman was even pithier: “Science is the belief in the
ignorance of experts.”


The harm to science
I dread to think what harm this episode will have done to
the reputation of science in general when the dust has settled. Science
will need a reformation. Garth Paltridge is a distinguished Australian
climate scientist, who, in The Facts, pens a wise paragraph that I fear will be the epitaph of climate science:
We have at least to
consider the possibility that the scientific establishment behind the
global warming issue has been drawn into the trap of seriously
overstating the climate problem—or, what is much the same thing, of
seriously understating the uncertainties associated with the climate
problem—in its effort to promote the cause. It is a particularly nasty
trap in the context of science, because it risks destroying, perhaps for
centuries to come, the unique and hard-won reputation for honesty which
is the basis for society’s respect for scientific endeavour.
And it’s not working anyway. Despite avalanches of money
being spent on research to find evidence of rapid man-made warming,
despite even more spent on propaganda and marketing and subsidising
renewable energy, the public remains unconvinced. The most recent
polling data from Gallup shows the number of Americans who worry “a
great deal” about climate change is down slightly on thirty years ago,
while the number who worry “not at all” has doubled from 12 per cent to
24 per cent—and now exceeds the number who worry “only a little” or “a
fair amount”. All that fear-mongering has achieved less than nothing: if
anything it has hardened scepticism.
None of this would matter if it was just scientific
inquiry, though that rarely comes cheap in itself. The big difference is
that these scientists who insist that we take their word for it, and
who get cross if we don’t, are also asking us to make huge, expensive
and risky changes to the world economy and to people’s livelihoods. They
want us to spend a fortune getting emissions down as soon as possible.
And they want us to do that even if it hurts poor people today, because,
they say, their grandchildren (who, as Nigel Lawson points out, in The Facts, and their models assume, are going to be very wealthy) matter more.
Yet they are not prepared to debate the science behind their concern. That seems wrong to me.
Matt Ridley is an English science journalist
whose books include The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves. A
member of the House of Lords, he has a website at www.mattridley.co.uk.
He declares an interest in coal through the leasing of land for mining.

Friday, May 29, 2015

Victor Davis Hanson: A Weak U.S. Leads Inevitably To Global Chaos - Investors.com

Victor Davis Hanson: A Weak U.S. Leads Inevitably To Global Chaos - Investors.com



Victor Davis Hanson: A Weak U.S. Leads Inevitably To Global Chaos

6 Comments
Victor Davis Hanson
Victor Davis Hanson
For
a time, reset, concessions and appeasement work to delay wars. But
finally, nations wake up, grasp their blunders, rearm and face down
enemies. That gets dangerous. The shocked aggressors cannot quite
believe that their targets are suddenly serious and willing to punch
back. Usually, the bullies foolishly press aggression, and war breaks
out.

It was insane of Nazi Germany and its Axis partners to even
imagine that they could defeat the Allied trio of Imperial Britain, the
Soviet Union and the United States. But why not try?

Hitler
figured that for a decade America had been unarmed and isolationist.
Britain repeatedly had appeased the Third Reich. The Soviets initially
collaborated with Hitler.

Hitler met no opposition after
militarizing the Rhineland. He annexed Austria with impunity. He gobbled
up Czechoslovakia without opposition. Why shouldn't he be stunned in
1939 when exasperated Britain and France finally declared war over his
invasion of distant Poland?

Six years of war and some 60 million
dead followed, re-establishing what should have been the obvious fact
that democracies would not quite commit suicide.

By 1979, the
Jimmy Carter administration had drastically cut the defense budget.
Carter promised that he would make human rights govern American foreign
policy. It sounded great to Americans after Vietnam — and even greater
to America's enemies.

Then Iran imploded. The American embassy in
Tehran was stormed. Diplomats were taken hostage. Radical Islamic
terrorism spread throughout the Middle East. Communist insurrection
followed throughout Central America. The Soviet Union invaded
Afghanistan. China went into Vietnam.

Dictators such as the Soviet
Union's Leonid Brezhnev and Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini assumed Carter no
longer was willing to protect the U.S. postwar order. Or perhaps they
figured the inexperienced American president was too weak to respond
even had he wished to do so.

Then, Ronald Reagan defeated Carter
in 1980 on the promise of restoring U.S. power. At first, both America's
friends and enemies were aghast at Reagan's simplistic worldview that
free markets were better than communism, that democracy was superior to
dictatorship, and that in the ensuing struggle, the West would win and
the rest would lose.

Foreign media damned Reagan as a warmonger
for beefing up the U.S. defense budget, reassuring America's allies and
going after terrorists with military force. From 1981 to 1983, Reagan
was caricatured even at home as a cowboy — not the statesman later to be
known for restoring U.S. prestige and global stability, and helping to
bring down Soviet imperial communism.

Barack Obama, like Carter,
came into office promising a sharp break from past U.S foreign policy.
The public was receptive after the costly wars in Afghanistan and Iraq,
and the recent financial meltdown on Wall Street.

Troops were
withdrawn from Afghanistan on pre-announced deadlines. The post-surge
quiet in Iraq fooled Obama into eagerly yanking out all U.S.
peacekeepers.

A new outreach to radical Islam went to ridiculous
lengths. The Muslim Brotherhood was invited to Obama's speech in Cairo
that claimed the West owed cultural debts to Islam for everything from
the Renaissance to the Enlightenment.

Terms like radical Islam,
jihad and Islamic terror were excised from the official American
vocabulary and replaced by a host of silly euphemisms. In symbolic
tours, Obama offered apologies for past American behavior in the Middle
East and Asia. He bowed to both theocratic sheiks and the Asian
monarchs.

The defense budget was cut. Reset with Vladimir Putin's
Russia assumed the Bush administration, not Putin's aggression in
Georgia and threats to Crimea, caused the estrangement between Moscow
and Washington.

Predictable chaos followed as the U.S. became an
observer abroad. The Islamic State appeared to fill the vacuum in Iraq.
Syria imploded. So did most of North Africa. Iran sent agents,
surrogates and special forces into Iraq, Syria and Yemen, even as it
pressed on to get a bomb. China stepped up its violations of the waters
and airspace of America's traditional Asian allies. Putin did the same
in Eastern and Northern Europe.

By 2015, America's enemies had
created chaos and defined it as the new normal. The next president will
face a terrible dilemma. To restore order, he or she will have to
convince our allies we are recommitted to their security.

Any red
lines issued will have to be enforced. Aggressors such as Russia, China,
Iran and the Islamic State will have to be warned to cease and desist
or face pushback from far stronger U.S.-led coalitions.

Just as
Reagan's return to normal U.S. foreign policy was considered radical
after the Carter years, so too the next administration will be smeared
as dangerously provocative after Obama's recession from the world stage.

The
Obama foreign policy cannot continue much longer without provoking even
more chaos or a large war. Yet correcting it will be nearly as
dangerous. Jumping off the global tiger is dangerous, but climbing back
on will seem riskier.

• Hanson is a classicist and historian at
the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the author, most
recently, of "The Father of Us All: War and History, Ancient and
Modern."

Sunday, May 17, 2015

Articles: Islam and the 'Great Religions'

Articles: Islam and the 'Great Religions'



Islam and the 'Great Religions'

http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-jrjAfEof0eQ/TsijlDaA7lI/AAAAAAAAOb8/y1lDC-OJi2Q/s1600/Abrahams_Altar.jpg



Political
correctness dictates that all religions are of equal worth; that there
are “Three Great Abrahamic Religions,” and “The Arabs are Semites too,
so they can’t be anti-Semites.”  All these clichés need to be buried.




While
Christianity and Islam were both offshoots of the Jews and took from
them the concept of having one’s own Holy Writ, their self-definitions
as new faith communities were radically different.  The Coine Greek
language narratives appended to the Hebrew Bible purport to be a
continuation of Jewish history.  The Catholic Church even defines itself
in Latin as Verus Israel, the True Israel.




But
Muslims make no such claim.  On the contrary, the Koran re-wrote many
of the stories in the Hebrew Bible in the spirit of Islam’s doctrine
that Muslims are Allah’s true chosen people.  The early Christians left
Jewish Scripture intact; the Muslims did not. Christianity wanted to
hold onto Jewishness to a degree; Muslims dismissed it as a pack of
lies.




Moreover,
in plagiarizing the Jewish Bible instead of adding to it -- which makes
of the Koran a form of copyright infringement or intellectual property
theft -- Muslims claim that the discrepancies between the two versions
are the result of the Jews’ theft of the Koran.  And never mind that the
God of Israel bestowed upon the Israelites the Five Books of Moses in
the year 1313 b.c.e. and the Koran dates to the late 7th and early 8th
centuries c.e., almost two thousand years later.  When a Muslim is
confronted with the contradictory narratives of the same incidents, he
answers that Musa (the Arabic mispronunciation of the Hebrew name Mosheh)
brought the Koran down from Mt. Sinai but the perfidious Jews then
re-wrote it and called it their Torah until Muhammad came along and
restored the original text.  In Islam’s moral universe, the Torah is a
stolen, plagiarized version of the Koran (which tracks with the
contemporary charge that the Jews also stole the Promised Land from the
“Palestinians.”)




Likewise,
the cliché that Islam is an Abrahamic religion must go.  To Jews,
Abraham was the kindest of men, which fits his vision of the One G-d Who
tested him by asking that he prepare his son for a human sacrifice in
an era when that was normal religious ritual.  But in the end, He
commanded him not to go through with it.  Abraham’s G-d, unique in the
world, was opposed to human sacrifice.




Versus
the Muslims whose behavior throughout history and certainly in our time
reveals them to be not of the seed of a kind man, for they are masters
of cruelty; head-choppers, mutilators, skyjackers, kidnappers and
rapists.  Their Allah smiles on mass murder and no less the “glorious”
sacrifice of oneself, viz. suicide.  Totalitarians, they also
license themselves to slay anyone who does not venerate their prophet.
 That’s not very kind. See recent events at the Paris office of Charlie
Hebdo and Garland, Texas.




But
most central to Islam’s ransack of Judaism is the claim that the son
Abraham bound for a sacrifice was not Isaac but Ishmael, and that the
Jews also lie about the location of that world historical event.  Jews
say it took place on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem; Muslims say it
happened in Mecca. By making the hajj/pilgrimage to the “real”
site of the test, the Qaaba in the middle of the Grand Mosque, Muslims
bear witness to their belief the Jews are liars.




And as for the third cliché, viz.
the Arabs as Semites too:  no, they are Hamites.  Yes, Muhammad was an
Arab descended from Ishmael, one of Abraham’s eight biological sons, but
Judaism also makes clear that Ishmael was not his father’s spiritual
heir.  Ishmael is even expelled (Genesis 21:9) from his father’s tents
for being a “wild ass of a man” (16:12).  His expulsion at age sixteen
or seventeen came about when he jealously mocked his little half-brother
Isaac at the latter’s weaning party -- whose wise and perceptive mother
Sarah, who had watched Ishmael grow up, realized he was capable of
murdering her son.




Furthermore,
Abraham and Sarah were descendants of Shem, son of Noah (whence the
word “Semite”) but Ishmael was not.  While many nations hold that a son
inherits his nationality from his father, the Jews do not.  For them, it
passes through the mother.  Thus because Ishmael’s mother Hagar was an
Egyptian, and Egypt was one of the four sons of Noah’s other son Ham, so
Ishmael was a Hamite.




The
Bible also records (21:21) that Hagar found him an Egyptian wife, which
only compounds the evidence that his offspring were Hamites too.




And who was Ham? Noah’s “problem child” whose transgression was sexual in nature. (Genesis 9)



Indeed,
to this day, sexually speaking, an abyss separates contemporary
Judeo-Christian society from Islamic, and that is most apparent in the
Judeo-Christian insistence on monogamy versus Islam’s polygamy.  It is
part of the Western respect for women, versus Islam’s abuse of them.
 (Feminists in the West can complain all they want about men, but
compared to the life of women in Islam, they are living in paradise.)




Osama
bin Ladin’s father sired children with fifty-six separate females.  Ibn
Saud, the tribal chieftain who founded the Saudi Arabia where he grew
up, produced today’s four thousand princes who monopolize that country’s
wealth and vie among themselves for power.  Polygamy famously leads to
rivalry among wives, among mothers fighting for their sons, and among
half-brothers.  One could make the case that Islam’s attitudes toward
women are at the root of its many social pathologies and why it does not
belong in America.




American culture also enshrines Patrick Henry’s “Give me liberty or give me death”; the Statue of Liberty in New York and the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia engraved with the Bible’s Hebrew phrase marking the Jubilee Year, “Proclaim liberty throughout the Land.”



By
contrast, Islam is no friend of liberty.  It means “submission,” and
when a Muslim prays, he assumes the position of a slave, face to the
floor.  There are fifty-six officially Muslim states, most of them
dictatorships and not one is a liberal democracy that any red-blooded
American man or woman would want to live in.




Until Islam reforms itself or is forced to reform, it cannot be regarded as consistent with American values.



Sha’i ben-Tekoa’s PHANTOM NATION: Inventing the “Palestinians” as the Obstacle to Peace is available at Amazon.com and www.deprogramprogram.com.

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Blog: Federal Government Just Can't Keep its Hands to Itself

Blog: Federal Government Just Can't Keep its Hands to Itself



Federal Government Just Can't Keep its Hands to Itself



The
Federal government has evolved from protecting basic freedoms to being a
parasite. When it sees something as big and powerful as the internet,
the feds naturally wants to get their hands on it, not just to control
it but maybe even more importantly, to get their hands on its
tax-revenue potential. Net neutrality was passed by the three unelected
FCC Democrat commissioners (the two Republican commissioners voted
against it) in the name of solving a problem where one didn't exist,
that is, to insure no one ISP (internet service provider) has too much
power over traffic on its network. This is just another leftist
governmental power grab disguised as working for the public interest. 




From a recent article in the Los Angeles Times, FCC's net neutrality opens the door to new fee on Internet service



"The
federal government is sure to tap this new revenue stream soon to spend
more of consumers' hard-earned dollars," warned Ajit Pai, a Republican
on the FCC. "So when it comes to broadband, read my lips: More new taxes
are coming. It's just a matter of when."



From the same article:



In
approving the tough rules for online traffic in February, the Federal
Communications Commission put broadband in the same regulatory category
as phone service, opening the door for the charges.



This
is the same reason why the Democrats passed Obamacare. It is totally
laughable to pretend that they did it to create "affordable" insurance,
as everything has turned out to be just the opposite: lowering premiums
and you can keep your doctor and your current healthcare plan turned out
to be demonstrably untrue. 




Democrats
tend to couch everything in terms of helping the little guy in one way
or another, but this is part of the Big Lie that underlies the modus
operandi for everything they do: the real goal is to expand the size and
power of the federal government. It is that simple, and you can trace
almost every Democrat policy, large and small, back to this goal. It's
also why everyone continues to scream racism every chance they get. 




Everyone
knows that racism no longer exists except for a very few fringe
outcasts, yet Democrats won't let racism go because it creates and
maintains a cause and a rallying cry for the alleged victims in the
black community. It has been written ad nauseum because it's true that
the grievance industry of race hustlers, feminists, gay activists,
climate warming alarmists and so on, continue to promote to the
uninformed of the county that injustice and climate damage is everywhere
and happening every day, and only government is the solution. 




In
the immortal words of Ronald Reagan:  "The most terrifying words in the
English language are: I'm here from the government and I'm here to
help." Maybe it’s time for politicians to quit saying what they're going
to do for the country and start talking about what they're not going to
do. And for Republicans (like Cruz, Rubio and Paul), to keep talking
without equivocation nor compromise about the importance of cutting back
on the intrusive tentacles of the massive parasite that is the federal
government so that the American public gets the message loud and clear.

Thursday, April 2, 2015

Articles: Our Impotent Congress

Articles: Our Impotent Congress





Our Impotent Congress

 April 2, 2015


What
exactly is the purpose of the separation of powers? Some two hundred
and twenty-seven odd years ago, it was the security deposit we set down
on republicanism. The division of authority in government, setting
branches against one another in a healthy tug of war, all while being
made to mind the inclination of the voter, was the safety valve of a
healthy republic. No I’m not talking about democracy, which is
really the overly lauded majoritarianism of rent-seekers and ideologues,
but instead I’m speaking to the necessary requirements of republicanism.
Republicanism is really the model for governmental efficiency, and the
optimal scheme for protecting and enlarging the sphere of liberty and
opportunity that all citizens can come to enjoy.




Congress
has an important part to play in this republic, especially considering
that the most direct outlet of republicanism is the expression of the
people’s general will through their representatives, and that this
representation is the only direct and legitimate method of checking the
power of bureaucratic rent-seekers and executive-branch abusers.




F.H.
Buckley, an academic from the law school at George Mason University,
the institution that has famously economized on costs while still hiring
luminaries such as Gordon Tullock and Nobel laureate James Buchanan, wrote a masterpiece titled The Once and Future King: The Rise of Crown Government in America,
warning of the enlargement of both the far-reaching powers of the
administrative state and the aggrandizement of executive power. While
there have been more than enough book reviews of Buckley’s more recent
work, I use the book more as a commendable reference guide and
legally-minded review of the recent abuses and trends of the
anti-representative age.




What
are we to make of the dilemma that naturally presents itself when
considering, in rotation, a competent Congress and an incompetent
executive, which then gives way to an incompetent Congress and a
competent executive, and then more often than not, presents complete
incompetency in all venues? There is a tendency, which exists on both
the right and the left, to simply discard that inoperative side of the
partisan aisle more riddled with inefficiency than the other, and move
forward with the work that needs to be done. Ah, the wisdom of
technocrats. This is the reasoning behind Barack Obama’s efforts at
subverting the proper congressional channels. We see it not only in the
complete disregard for the letter of the very Affordable Care Act law
that the President proposed and passed, but also in terms of the
steadily increasing delegation of a branch’s proper authority to
bureaucracies, which allows things like the unconstitutional flooding of
borders with refugees (just or not, there are proper channels for
immigration policy.)




This
all means a lot in terms of what we can look forward to in potential
future leaders’ methods of governance.  What is the most outrageous
example of bad, non-transparent government action? Quite clearly, it is
Hillary Clinton’s abuse of power, her storage and then erasure of emails
kept tucked away on a private server she had designed specifically for
the purpose of concealment, and then her refusal to turn over those
emails, the content of which may have provided clarity and insight into
the myriad cover-up scandals of the Obama administration.




Not
to come off as obnoxious, or to sound an alarm that others have rung
repetitively, but: Richard Nixon was chased out of office for doing
exactly the same thing. Concealment.




After
her server was purportedly wiped clean, Clinton’s lawyer, David
Kendall, announced with seeming indifference that none of the desired
emails would be accessible. This is just one more example of the
shackled impotence of a Congress romping around in a helpless confusion
that reminds one of a decapitated chicken. Whether they subpoena,
demand, harp and harangue, the end result is simply nothing. We know
nothing about Hillary Clinton’s servers. We know nothing about Benghazi.




People
say that House Republicans are nothing but hot air windbags. For the
most part (although often enough, for the wrong reasons) those people
are right.




Further
from the domestic sphere, we have the foreign policy arena. No
congressional approval of the Iran deal means, once again, no
involvement on Congress’s part. This is concerning a treaty addressing
the nuclear capacity of a terrorist state that is almost certain to
surreptitiously shuffle highly destructive arms into the hands of Shiite
religious maniacs. No voices heard, no objections registered. By the
way, media sound bites are not the same as legislative objections. The
opposition must be more fervent, more active, more serious about its
obligation to help prevent the calamities barreling towards us like
ballistic missiles.




Although
the voting public was supposedly outraged by the upper chamber’s letter
to Iran warning them of making a non-binding deal with President Obama,
Senator Tom Cotton did the right thing: he penned a note advising an
enemy state of the reality of the situation. Senator Cotton helped to
put Iran on notice, to let them know that any deal is reviewable, any
treaty amendable.




Any
missive advising the terror state of Iran that a final nuclear treaty
would be subject to review is evidently seen by Democrats as a Logan Act
violation worthy of being deemed treasonous. A legacy of
non-enforcement of the Logan Act aside, not to mention the untested
constitutionality of the act, I tend to agree with Jonah Goldberg, who wrote: “Obama is the commander in chief of the armed forces, not of the co-equal legislative branch.”




Why
might some citizens have been upset about congressional meddling?
Here’s one theory: the American populace tends towards ignorance and
instantly reacts to headlines. Democracy, the propaganda (yes, you heard
me) of the 20th and 21st centuries, is not the correct conduit for the exertion of a country’s best energies. Republicanism is, and that is how the country was initially designed.




A
majority of people in this country might want to voice their general
displeasure in any given matter. They might arouse themselves to a
violent clamor, demanding the avoidance of war, demanding that they
accrue benefits – gratis -- to their government-linked bank accounts,
repetitively citing the Fallacy of Democracy: that any thing is a
legitimate political goal if most people want it and vote on it. So, it
is easy to forget the difference between a majority vote and a truly
republican, philosophically democratic guiding political thought. Part
of the job of Congress is to remind the people that they have an
obligation to republicanism, and that Congress is their ground-level
enforcer for the promise of republican government.




Sometimes,
leaders have to tell the people what they should want. That is the job
of Congress, a job that they aren’t doing right now. History bears out
the necessity of strong leadership. That’s why we went to war for
independence despite the vast majority of colonists being
opposed to it, that’s why Jefferson took down the Barbary pirates and
completed the Louisiana Purchase. That’s the reason James Polk carried
us (jingoist that he was) across the plains from Atlantic to Pacific,
and that’s why Reagan took an economically stagnating country and
transformed it into a competition-loving collection of free-marketeers.
Even the supposedly liberal-leaning techno-cognoscenti of Google and
other “socially conscious” corporations like Starbucks are as
economically driven as the average Joe Schmoe.




Unfortunately,
people are now much more likely to show deference to the administrative
state, that unwieldy shadow bureau that has more direct bearing over
their life. They are more likely to cower before the IRS, which is the
actual police and government power that citizens must answer to on a
daily basis. Right now, the administrative federal government’s response
to congressional authority is more a matter of the abstract: they’ll
respond only when they really have to. Agency costs, you know.




The
willing relinquishment of authority is not the only byproduct of a
weakened Congress. There is also the degradation of the prestige that
used to give heft to the House and the Senate. Congress is mostly seen
as being a weak institution, a five-hundred-plus body of obstructionists
and weaklings, a parliament of whores and faools. Is this assessment
wrong? If Congress fails to check the power of a reckless executive,
then we shall know.

Friday, March 27, 2015

Articles: Pareto Speaks to Us About Environmentalism

Articles: Pareto Speaks to Us About Environmentalism



Pareto Speaks to Us About Environmentalism

March 27, 2015


Vilfredo Pareto,
who died in 1923, was an Italian economist and sociologist. In the
spirit of Machiavelli, he developed theories concerning human belief and
the rise and fall of elites. His insights can be applied to explain
much about contemporary America. (See: The Rise and Fall of Elites: An Application of Theoretical Sociology by Vilfredo Pareto)




Pareto
believed that men form their beliefs from emotion or sentiment and that
rational justifications for beliefs are constructed after the belief
has been subscribed to. In other words, the rational justification is
window dressing. Pareto also thought that men deceive themselves about
the origin of their beliefs, not recognizing that their beliefs are the
consequence of sentiment. Men claim, and believe, that their beliefs are
the result of rational thought.




Because
belief is emotional at its root, it is extremely difficult to make
ideological conversions by logical argument. Logical arguments won’t
work because the believer will mount a logical defense to every argument
and will be impervious to rebuttals. Successful ideological conversions
are made by using emotional tactics, such as applying psychological
pressure.




The religious group, the Moonies,
has been successful in recruiting new members by the technique of “Love
Bombing,” a term they invented. The technique is to lavish flattery,
affection, and attention on the prospective recruit. This emotional
technique is highly successful. Love Bombing is far more promising than
explaining Moonie theology to the typically youthful recruit.




Charles Manson recruited middle class youths into his criminal "Family" through the use of powerful emotional stimuli involving psychotropic drugs, promiscuous sex, and shared illegal acts.



Patty Hearst, the kidnapped heir of a wealthy family, was converted to the revolutionary beliefs of the Symbionese Liberation Army after being locked in a closet for weeks at a time under threat of death.



If
we examine belief in global warming, the believers claim scientific
justification for their belief. This is window dressing. The real
motivation is emotional. The scientific basis for global warming is
incredibly weak and has been powerfully attacked by various skeptics.
The scientific attacks from skeptics may have swayed weak believers, but
strong believers, including the Obama administration, have responded
with attacks on the integrity of the skeptics. For example the skeptics
are accused of being in the pay of fossil fuel companies, even though
there is little evidence of that.




Oddly, many of the fossil fuel companies profess to be concerned
about global warming and declare that they, too, are working to reduce
CO2 emissions. The executives of the fossil fuel companies fit into
Pareto’s theory of declining elites who become effete and too timid to
defend their privileges. Incredibly, fossil fuel companies give money to
organizations, such as the American Geophysical Union, or even the Sierra Club,
that attack the very right to exist of the fossil fuel companies.
Groups skeptical of global warming get little or nothing from fossil
fuel companies that are apparently too busy trying to appease their
deadly enemies.




What
is the emotional core of belief in global warming and why is the
scientific justification mainly window dressing? It’s actually fairly
obvious. The emotional core of the belief is fear of modern technology.




Global
warming is only the latest of a string of, doomsday scenarios,
justified by dubious scientific claims, dating back as far as the
1940’s. In 1948 two influential books were independently published. Our Plundered Planet by Fairfield Osbourne and The Road to Survival
by William Vogt. These books are considered to mark the start of the
many periodic environmental scares. The scares generally have a theme
that modern technology is damaging the ability of the Earth to support
mankind and that it is polluting the environment, trends aggravated by
reckless population growth. Stanford professor, Paul Ehrlich’s book, The Population Bomb, was published in 1968 and has sold 2 million copies. The book Limits to Growth
published in 1972 predicted, based on computer models, disasters due to
exhaustion of resources, increasing pollution and population growth.
During the last 60 years there have been dozens of major environmental scares.
Examples include projected shortages of food, oil and even water.
Pollution scares include arsenic, mercury, radon, chlorine, pesticides,
acid rain, etc.




These
scares have in common the theme that modern technology is backfiring.
The scares play to and promote this emotional belief. To many people,
technology is an object of suspicion and fear. There is romantic
nostalgia for an idealized simpler time in the past. For example, the
organic food movement basically advocates growing food by restricting
technology to that used prior to about 1930. This is based on the idea
that pesticides and synthetic fertilizer is harmful, a belief that is
scientifically not supportable. Plants don’t care whether they get
nitrogen from synthetic fertilizer or chicken manure. Pesticides used to
kill insects are not passed into the food product except in
microscopic, harmless quantities. The advocates of organic farming don’t
mention that half the world population would starve if their less
productive farming schemes were universally adopted.




If
you are highly fearful and confused by modern technology, then the
succession of environmental scares supports and fortifies your
worldview. However you will not, of course, say, or even think, that you
are puzzled and scared by the modern world. No, you will say that
scientific research has shown that much of modern technology is
dangerous and must be stopped. Ironically, the environmental movement
turns science and technology against science and technology.




The
scientific weakness of global warming science, and other environmental
science, is demonstrated more than anything else by the reaction of the
scientist and lay advocates to those who dare to raise objections to the
doomsday theories. Rather than meeting the objections with scientific
arguments, the critics are attacked and marginalized. This behavior is
not scientific, it an attempt to defend a dogma by lashing out at those
who dare to question the dogma.




When
Lennart Bengtsson, a Swedish climate scientist and meteorologist,
joined the advisory council of the Global Warming Policy Foundation, an
organization skeptical concerning global warming, he was forced to
resign a week later due to abuse he received from the climate science
community. He said:
“I had not expected such an enormous world-wide pressure put on me from
a community that I have been close to all my active life.”




When the Danish researcher Bjorn Lomborg published The Skeptical Environmentalist a book that questioned much of the environmentalist canon, he was vilified in 11 pages of the Scientific American by such people as John Holdren, now Obama’s science advisor. Lomborg’s opponents in Denmark accused him of scientific dishonesty. Lomborg effectively defended himself and the attacks backfired, making Lomborg famous.



Numerous other examples of attacks against persons skeptical of the environmental cannon could be cited. Characteristically the attacks
are attempts to discredit and smear, not to engage in an honest debate.
Honest public debate on environmental issues is rare. The claim, often
repeated, that the doomsday claims of global warming are settled
science, is a claim intended to shut down debate. People with honest
scientific questions or objections are depicted as idiots who probably
think the Earth is flat.




It
may seem odd that scientists are emotionally fearful of modern
technology. However, attacking modern science and technology is the
stock in trade of environmental scientists. That is how they get
attention and funding. The global warming scare has been a bonanza for
climate scientists. Indisputably there are brilliant climate
scientists, but scientists from harder sciences are likely to view
climate scientists as second-rate scientists who give an excessive
amount of credibility to computer models that don’t work very well. As
population bomb man Paul Ehrlich said, “to err is human but to really
foul things up you need a computer.” He does not take his own advice,
since he is a supporter of computerized global warming doomsday
predictions. Climate scientists are seen to be opportunists, profiting
from poorly supported doomsday predictions.




How
should he global warming scare be combatted? The scientific theories
promoted by the global warming advocates are soft targets. Their science is lousy.
But critical scientific arguments are highly technical and only of use
in getting authoritative scientists to join the skeptical side. To
influence the vast majority of citizens, including non-specialist
scientists, emotional arguments are necessary. My suggestion would be to
paint a picture of a future when global warming promoters get what they
want and everyone else loses money, mobility, jobs, etc. Combine this
with authoritative scientists saying that global warming dogma is
scientifically flawed and you have a winning formula.




Norman Rogers is a volunteer Senior Policy Advisor for the Heartland Institute. He writes often about global warming.

Monday, March 16, 2015

The Scorching of California by Victor Davis Hanson, City Journal Winter 2015

The Scorching of California by Victor Davis Hanson, City Journal Winter 2015



Victor Davis Hanson
The Scorching of California
How Green extremists made a bad drought worse
Winter 2015

MICAH ALBERT/REDUX
The drought has threatened to turn large tracts of farmland into dust.
In mid-December, the first large storms in
three years drenched California. No one knows whether the rain and snow
will continue—only that it must last for weeks if a record three-year
drought, both natural and man-made, is to end. In the 1970s, coastal
elites squelched California’s near-century-long commitment to building
dams, reservoirs, and canals, even as the Golden State’s population
ballooned. Court-ordered drainage of man-made lakes, meant to restore
fish to the 1,100-square-mile Sacramento–San Joaquin River Delta, partly
caused central California’s reservoir water to dry up. Not content with
preventing construction of new water infrastructure, environmentalists
reverse-engineered existing projects to divert precious water away from
agriculture, privileging the needs of fish over the needs of people.
Then they alleged that global warming, not their own foolish policies,
had caused the current crisis.



Even as a fourth year of drought threatens the state, canal water
from the Hetch Hetchy reservoir in Yosemite National Park keeps Silicon
Valley and the San Francisco Bay Area a verdant oasis. This parched
coastal mountain range would have depopulated long ago without the
infrastructure that an earlier, wiser generation built and that
latter-day regulators and environmentalists so casually deprecated. (See
California’s Promethean Past,”
Summer 2013.) Gardens and lawns remain green in Palo Alto, San Mateo,
Cupertino, and San Francisco, where residents continue to benefit from
past investments in huge water transfers from inland mountains to the
coast. They will be the last to go dry.



I grew up in the central San Joaquin Valley
during the 1950s. In those days, some old-timers remembered with
fondness when the undammed Kings River’s wild, white water would gush
down into the sparsely populated valley. But most Californians never had
such nostalgia. Past generations accepted that California was a growing
state (with some 20 million people by 1970), that agriculture was its
premier industry, and that the state fed not just its own people but
millions across America and overseas. All of that required
redistribution of water—and thus dams, reservoirs, and irrigation
canals.



For 50 years, the state transferred surface water from northern
California to the Central Valley through the California State Water
Project and the federal Central Valley Project. Given these vast and
ambitious initiatives, Californians didn’t worry much about the
occasional one- or two-year drought or the steady growth in population.
The postwar, can-do mentality resulted in a brilliantly engineered water
system, far ahead of its time, that brought canal water daily from the
30 percent of the state where rain and snow were plentiful—mostly north
of Sacramento as well as from the Sierra Nevada Mountains—to the lower,
western, and warmer 70 percent of the state, where people preferred to
work, farm, and live.



Everyone seemed to benefit. Floods in northern California became a
thing of the past. The more than 40 major mountain reservoirs generated
clean hydroelectric power. New lakes offered recreation for millions
living in a once-arid state. Gravity-fed snowmelt was channeled into
irrigation canals, opening millions of new acres to farming and ending
reliance on pumping the aquifer. To most Californians, the irrigated,
fertile Central Valley seemed a natural occurrence, not an environmental
anomaly made possible only through the foresight of a now-forgotten
generation of engineers and hydrologists.



Just as California’s freeways were designed to grow to meet increased
traffic, the state’s vast water projects were engineered to expand with
the population. Many assumed that the state would finish planned
additions to the California State Water Project and its ancillaries. But
in the 1960s and early 1970s, no one anticipated that the then-nascent
environmental movement would one day go to court to stop most new dam
construction, including the 14,000-acre Sites Reservoir on the
Sacramento River near Maxwell; the Los Banos Grandes facility, along a
section of the California Aqueduct in Merced County; and the Temperance
Flat Reservoir, above Millerton Lake north of Fresno. Had the gigantic
Klamath River diversion project not likewise been canceled in the 1970s,
the resulting Aw Paw reservoir would have been the state’s largest
man-made reservoir. At two-thirds the size of Lake Mead, it might have
stored 15 million acre-feet of water, enough to supply San Francisco for
30 years. California’s water-storage capacity would be nearly double
what it is today had these plans come to fruition. It was just as
difficult to imagine that environmentalists would try to divert
contracted irrigation and municipal water from already-established
reservoirs. Yet they did just that, and subsequently moved to freeze
California’s water-storage resources at 1970s capacities.



All the while, the Green activists remained blissfully unconcerned
about the vast immigration into California from Latin America and Mexico
that would help double the state’s population in just four decades, to
40 million. Had population growth remained static, perhaps California
could have lived with partially finished water projects. The state might
also have been able to restore the flow of scenic rivers from the
mountains to the sea, maintained a robust agribusiness sector, and even
survived a four- or five-year drought. But if California continues to
block new construction of the State Water Project as well as additions
to local and federal water-storage infrastructure, officials must halve
California’s population, or shut down the 5 million acres of irrigated
crops on the Central Valley’s west side, or cut back municipal water
usage in a way never before done in the United States.



When the drought began in autumn 2011, the
average Californian barely noticed. Mountain reservoirs remained full
throughout 2011 and much of 2012, thanks to ample rainfall in previous
years. Though rain and snowfall plunged to as much as 40 percent below
average in most inland counties, shortages affected only large
agribusiness conglomerates on the west side of the San Joaquin Valley—a
small group of corporate grandees with plenty of land and little public
sympathy.



During that first year of drought, quarrels over water
were mostly confined to farmers and environmentalists. Confident that
stored surface water in mountain reservoirs would remain plentiful, the
Greens insisted that the state continue to divert reservoir water away
from agricultural usage—at roughly the same rate as during pre-drought
years—in order to replenish rivers. In practical terms, however, the
diversions meant that substantial amounts of stored snowmelt were
released from mountain dams and allowed to flow freely to the Pacific
Ocean. Farmers called that wasted water; environmentalists called it a
return to a natural, preindustrial California. The Green dream was not
simply river restoration and beautification, however. Bay Area
environmentalists also believed that vastly increased freshwater inflows
would help oxygenate the San Francisco Delta, thereby enabling the
survival of the Delta smelt, a three-inch baitfish, while ensuring that
salmon could be reintroduced into the San Joaquin River watershed.



Farmers mostly lost these early diversion battles. After all, the
state’s reservoirs stood at or near capacity, previous wet years had
recharged valley aquifers, and conventional wisdom held that the drought
would probably end soon, anyway. Nevertheless, hand-painted protest
signs began sprouting along Interstate 5, amid a few abandoned almond
orchards, proclaiming a new “dust bowl” and condemning liberal Bay Area
officials, such as Representative Nancy Pelosi and Senator Barbara
Boxer, for supporting the river diversions. In Fresno County, the
Consolidated Irrigation District and others stopped almost all surface
deliveries to their agricultural water users from the Pine Flat dam on
the Kings River reservoir. The water masters of the Kings River had
enough stored water at Pine Flat to keep the reservoir at mostly normal
levels. By cutting off deliveries to farmers, authorities had the luxury
of releasing water to refurbish the lower Kings River for habitat
restoration.



I experienced the effects of these policies firsthand. My property
contains a 130-year-old abandoned well that my great-great-grandparents
dug by hand and lined with tin pipe. Throughout 2012, the water table in
my front yard remained about 40 feet below the surface, and all through
the drought, the well proved a reliable barometer of changing
groundwater levels. No one likes paying irrigation taxes for surface
water not delivered, but local farmers shrugged, turned on their standby
pumps, and drew from the shallow aquifer. We got by during the
drought’s first year with only moderately elevated electricity bills.
Fifty miles to the west, however, farmers and agribusinesses on the
Central Valley’s west side resorted to drilling deeper, sometimes in
excess of 1,500 feet. Pumping brackish water from great depths is an
unsustainable way to irrigate millions of acres of valuable croplands.
The entire 5 million-acre west-side agricultural project that arose from
desert scrub didn’t exist before the early 1960s—precisely because the
region had neither an aquifer nor a water project to deliver surface
irrigation water from northern and eastern California.



As the drought continued, the political debate heated up. Farmers
reminded Bay Area Greens that they had no proof that the Delta smelt was
suffering from a lack of fresh river water. Equally likely culprits for
the fish’s plight were the more than 30 Bay Area and Stockton-area
municipalities that dump oxygen-depleted wastewater into the baitfish’s
habitat. The farmers noted the irony of using artificial reservoirs to
ensure supposedly “natural” year-round river flows for salmon and smelt.
Before the construction of California’s modern dams, Sierra snowmelts
didn’t necessarily ensure continually rushing rivers. Nineteenth-century
spring floods into the valley usually were followed by a depleted
late-summer Sierra snowpack and dry August river trickles. How odd,
farmers thought, that environmentalists opposed new dams and reservoirs
as “unnatural,” and yet counted on existing reservoir water to maintain a
dependable habitat for newly introduced salmon. Before the dams, nature
simply didn’t operate that way.



In the winter of 2012, the drought entered
its second year, but record-high agricultural commodity prices tempered
the farmers’ acrimony. Newly affluent customers in China and India—in
addition to wealthy Japanese, Taiwanese, and South Korean
consumers—fueled demand for premium California dairy products, wine,
nuts and dried fruits, fresh fruits and vegetables, beef, and cotton.
Raisin prices jumped from $900 per ton to more than $1,900 per ton. Some
almond growers became millionaires overnight. When the per-pound price
of nuts tripled, and new varieties of trees and new farming practices
bolstered production to well over 3,000 pounds per acre, a
once-“inefficient” family farmer with 40 acres could suddenly net $5,000
an acre. Given that harvesting almonds is mostly mechanized and
requires little, if any, manual labor, growers embarked on planting
sprees up and down the drought-stricken valley. If 40 acres could net
$200,000, large conglomerates of 5,000 acres or more might see profits
of $25 million annually. Pistachios and walnuts proved even more
lucrative. For the first time in a quarter-century, Central Valley
farmers saw the kind of prosperity associated with the Silicon and Napa
Valleys.



By 2013, however, with snowfall scant, some northern California
reservoirs had fallen far below normal levels. Farms on the Central
Valley’s eastern side—the ones with prior privileged access to local
irrigation districts and shallow water tables—faced a second year
without surface-water deliveries. After 12 months of steady pumping,
their water tables weren’t so shallow any more. My old well dipped to 60
feet as the water table began dropping more than a foot per month. In
past years, I could count on access to canal water to replenish the
water table. Now, for the first time in the 140-year history of our
farm, nature and man had cut off the water. The well went dry.



Meanwhile, on the west side, state and local officials warned farmers
that they might receive far less than even the 10 percent of contracted
surface-water delivery that they’d been promised. Nevertheless,
environmentalists prevailed upon the courts to extend orders diverting
freshwater reserves from irrigation canals to rivers and the ocean. The
public remained indifferent: the state had survived two years of drought
before, and cities still got their water allotments from shrinking
northern and mountain reservoirs. In 2012 and 2013, man-made reservoirs
in San Francisco and Los Angeles brimmed while the northern and mountain
lakes that supplied them were just two-thirds full. Facing no threat of
rationing, coastal Californians didn’t worry if a few hundred thousand
acres of lucrative orchards simply shriveled up.



As 2013 wore on, climatologists, trying to project how long the
drought might persist, warned state officials that their records only
ran as far back as the late 1860s. California is a relatively new human
habitat, and scientists can say little with certainty about the eons of
natural history preceding the arrival of Spanish, Mexican, and American
explorers. Tree-ring evidence suggests that past droughts had lasted 50
or even 100 years. Historically, drought may be the norm rather
than the exception in California. This might explain why such a
naturally rich state could support only a small population of indigenous
people. Is coastal and central California, in its natural state, a
mostly unsustainable desert for large, settled agrarian populations?
Maybe modern Californians don’t fully appreciate the genius of their
forefathers, who were prescient enough to see that, if huge quantities
of water weren’t transferred from the wet northlands, the Sierras, and
the Colorado River, then the cities of San Francisco and Los Angeles
would be little more than arid coastal villages, analogous to lightly
populated and perennially water-short Cayucos or Cambria, along Highway
1.



Californians heaved a sigh of relief after a few days of heavy rain
in November 2013, and some early snowfalls seemed to suggest that the
drought would end in 2014. But the relief was premature; the dry spells
returned. What rain and snow followed was too little and far too late.
Even the snowpack in the American River watershed—a northern river
system usually drawing on the greatest snowmelts—reached just 12 percent
of its average. Soon, the huge man-made reservoirs in both the
ordinarily wet north and the arid center of the state—Folsom, Millerton,
New Melones, Orville Pine Flat, San Luis, Shasta, Trinity—dipped below
half-full levels and, in some cases, plunged below 10 percent of
capacity. By July 2014, the average storage level of reservoirs
statewide was 13 percent. Across the state, surface-irrigation
deliveries to farms and orchards fell to near zero.



Farmers engaged in another vigorous round of groundwater pumping in
summer 2014. Water tables predictably plunged even further. Disaster
struck the west side, as large agribusiness concerns drilled new wells
to unheard-of depths of 2,000 feet and more, installing massive
300-horsepower electric pumps to bring up just enough brackish water to
trickle over their thirsty crops. Panic ensued even on the east side,
with its famous and once-shallow aquifer. Farmers complained about
six-month-long waiting lists to deepen their wells. Instead of the usual
150- or 200-foot wells, farmers drilled to depths of 300 or 400 feet,
and drew water from 150 feet. Pump installations were similarly
backlogged, and pump sizes increased from the standard 15-horsepower
models to 20- and 50-horsepower machines—all this to ensure that a
farmer’s particular straw had the best chance of siphoning every last
drop from an emptying common glass.



Such every-man-for-himself drilling came with its own attendant human
foibles—bribing drillers to cut in front of the waiting list; violating
decade-old pump-sharing easements; stealthily tapping into neighbors’
pipeline systems; or charging exorbitant rates to give dry farmers
access to working wells. Well-rig manufacturers had trouble keeping up
with demand. Some entrepreneurs, eager to gouge desperate farmers,
sought drilling machinery on the East Coast and overseas. Meanwhile,
farmers understood that, with the commodities boom, an investment in
permanent trees and vines might represent $15,000–$20,000 per acre and
annual profits of over $5,000 per year. By 2014, keeping the orchard or
vineyard alive, not just the current crop, became the aim. On the west
side, some orchard owners began bulldozing older or less productive nut
groves. Others tried to find just enough water to allow a final August
or September harvest at record prices, before the exhausted trees were
removed in the winter.



California’s huge urban reservoirs, however,
remained full. Municipalities demanded that they receive all the final
deliveries of state and federal surface water from the mountainous north
and east. The Hetch Hetchy reservoir in Yosemite National Park still
supplies almost 90 percent of the San Francisco Bay area’s daily water
supplies. In a strange paradox, that water bypasses the San Joaquin
River, into which environmentalists had diverted millions of acre-feet
of irrigation water for fish. Even in 2014, as the state baked dry,
environmentalists insisted on diverting what little mountain reservoir
water remained to river-restoration efforts. Yet no environmentalist
group has suggested that California tap Hetch Hetchy for habitat
restoration in the same manner in which it has expropriated the water of
farmers.



By late 2014, Pyramid and Castaic Lakes in southern California—part
of the vast reserves controlled by the Southern California Metropolitan
Water District—remained well above 90 percent of their capacities. But
their sources in the distant north had almost no surface water left to
give. The cities had drained and banked virtually all the state’s
existing reservoirs. Indeed, so well banked are southern California’s
project reservoirs that they have enough water to keep millions of
customers well supplied through 2015, even as northern and central
California communities dry up.



In reaction to these ongoing disasters and fearing a fourth year of
drought, the legislature and Governor Jerry Brown placed a $7.5 billion
water bond on the November 2014 ballot. It passed, but only a third of
the money will go to construction of reservoirs canceled in the 1970s
and 1980s. Most of the bond’s provisions will fund huge new state
bureaucracies to regulate access to groundwater and mandate recycling.
The bond will essentially void more than a century of complex water law
as the state moves to curb farmers’ ability to pump water from beneath
their own lands. Bay Area legislators who helped draft the bill failed
to grasp that farmers bear the huge costs of drilling and pumping, not
because they are greedy or insensitive to the environment but because
the state’s population has doubled and its water infrastructure has not
kept pace. A better way to regulate overdrafts of the water table would
have been to increase vastly the amount of reservoir surface water for
agriculture so that farmers would have no need to turn on their pumps.
But legislators and policymakers let utopianism get in the way.



Last summer, my two agricultural pumps
worked from June to late August to keep 40 acres of grapevines alive
during 100-degree days. Electricity and pump maintenance are costly. So
are the annual irrigation district taxes I’ve paid the last three years
for contracted—though undelivered—surface water from the system that my
great-grandfather and other pioneers built themselves with horse-drawn
scrapers at the turn of the twentieth century. This winter, I added my
name to the waiting list to lower the pump bowls—the impellers deep in
the well that force the water up through the casing to the surface—in
anticipation of another year of drought.



If the drought does continue, vast tracts of west-side farmlands will
turn to dust. California’s nearly $30 billion agricultural export
industry—led by dairy, almond, and grape production—is in grave peril.
Its collapse would crush the economic livelihood of the Central Valley,
especially its Hispanic community. When the 5 million-acre west side
goes dry, hundreds of thousands of people will lose their jobs in a part
of the state where the average unemployment rate already hovers above
10 percent. Farmers will spend hundreds of millions of dollars to deepen
their wells further and save what water they can. Everything they and
their predecessors have known for a century will be threatened with
extinction.



Water is to California as coal is to Kentucky—yet its use is being
curtailed by those least affected, if affected at all, by the
consequences of their advocacy. But environmentalists, who for 40 years
worked to undermine the prudent expansion of the state’s water
infrastructure, have a rendezvous with those consequences soon. No
reservoir water is left for them to divert—none for the reintroduction
of their pet salmon, none for the Delta smelt. Their one hope is to
claim possession of the water in the ground once they’ve exhausted what
was above it. Redistribution, not expansion of supplies, is the liberal
creed for water, just as it is for wealth.



As the Hetch Hetchy reservoir drains, Bay Area man-made storage lakes
will necessarily follow. Another year of drought will deplete even
southern California’s municipal reserves sooner rather than later. When
Stanford professors and Cupertino tech lords cannot take a shower and
find themselves paving over their suburban lawns and gardens, perhaps
they, too, will see the value of reservoir water for people rather than
for fish. The new dust bowl may soon see a different generation of Joads
abandoning California for a wetter—and more prosperous—Midwest.



Could California still save itself? New reservoirs to store millions
of acre-feet of snowmelt could be built relatively quickly for the price
of the state’s high-speed rail boondoggle. Latino voters—the state’s
largest minority—might come around to the view that the liberal coastal
elite’s obsession with environmental regulations leads to higher
electricity rates, gasoline prices, and food costs, along with fewer
jobs and economic opportunities. Barring that, there may be only two
things left for California farmers to do: pray for the recent wet
weather to continue; and, if it does, pray further that
environmentalists do not send the precious manna from heaven out to sea.